Download e-book The Therapy of the Word in Classical Antiquity

Free download. Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device. You can download and read online The Therapy of the Word in Classical Antiquity file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with The Therapy of the Word in Classical Antiquity book. Happy reading The Therapy of the Word in Classical Antiquity Bookeveryone. Download file Free Book PDF The Therapy of the Word in Classical Antiquity at Complete PDF Library. This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats. Here is The CompletePDF Book Library. It's free to register here to get Book file PDF The Therapy of the Word in Classical Antiquity Pocket Guide.

They make available work being done in Europe that is often quite relevant to the history of psychiatry. The standard journals of medical history e. Simon, op.

Ancient Greek medicine

Homeric Psychology and the Oral Epic Tradition. Journal of the History of Ideas. Reprinted in Wright J. The Homeric Model of Mind. The literature on Aristotle is immense and, unfortunately, cannot be reviewed in this chapter. Gilman, H. King, R. Porter, G. Rousseau, and E. Showalter, eds. Rousseau and Roy Porter, eds. Slater, The Glory of Hera Boston, Problematic in a number of ways; to be read with a grain of salt; it is nevertheless an invaluable and pioneering work.

Liddell, R. Scott, and H. Jones, Greek-English Lexicon Oxford , under elleboriao. Histories, III, Cambridge, Crapanzano and V. Gattison, eds. See, for example, W. CrossRef Google Scholar. Cambridge, MA. Cameron and A. Kuhrt, eds. Good bibliography. For example, H. For example, W. Burkert, Greek Religion , trans. Raffan Cambridge, MA, ; see index. Brown, op. Hillis London, See discussion in Ducey and Simon, op. Princeton, NJ, David Grene and R. Lattimore, trans. Burkert, op.

Loeb edition, IV, 29— Mark —14; Luke — Hans Dieter Betz, ed. Volume One: Text Chicago, Useful introduction to this edition. Luck, op. The victory is mentioned by Pindar at Pyth. Scholars from Wilamowitz , n. Theognis 98, , , The scene between Paris and Hector will be discussed further below.

At lines 43—5 his words are as follows: Surely the long-haired Achaeans laugh at us, saying that a chieftain is [chosen as] our champion because his appearance is handsome, but there is no strength or valor in his heart. There are indeed some heroes of the Iliad who are blessed with both qualities, including not only Hector himself Tyrtaeus writes An interpreter of this poem is not helped by the fact that much of it has been lost, but some idea of its progression may be discerned from what does remain.

But it is perhaps best to follow Powell , and Richardson , the scene is probably an example of a traditional motif which both Homer and Tyrtaeus adapt to their own purposes whatever their relative chronology might have been, and however successful their adaptations may appear to us. This last section of the poem, where we return to the theme of beauty which we encountered earlier,27 moves swiftly and slyly to the concluding address to Polycrates.

Achilles and Ajax were brave; Cyanippus and the others were beautiful, but are listed with the Aeacids and therefore presumably also possessed bravery—what, then, about Polycrates himself? The last three verses of the ode are as follows 46—8 : Among these [heroes] you too, Polycrates, will forever have undying fame kleos aphthiton for beauty kalleos just as my own fame kleos [is undying] in song. Instone , This poetic mechanism is operative at Olympian MacLachlan , ch. The charm of beautiful poetry can, of course, work both ways: as Pindar notes elsewhere, deceptive Kharis can cause a false story to gain currency Olympian 1.

But although CEG 19 is an exceptional epitaph, it intersects with conventions seen in the literary poetic tradition: the act of commemoration, of asserting that the subject was manly and beautiful, ensures that he will remain so for posterity. Nemean 4. Acknowledgments A preliminary version of this paper was presented in March at the University of Western Ontario, and received helpful comments from the audience there.

I am grateful to the participants in the Andreia colloquium for the discussion following my presentation in Leiden, and to the editors of this volume and an anonymous reader for their detailed remarks on an initial written version. Bibliography Bassi, K. Burnett, A. Campbell, D. Bristol Croiset, M. Calder and J. Stern eds. Darmstadt , — Donlan, W. Mitchell and P. Rhodes eds. London and New York , 39— Ducat, J. Ebert, J. Leipzig Ecker, U. Stuttgart London and New York, Hadas and J. Garner, R. London and New York Gentili, B. Bernardini, E.

Cingano, and P. Giannini, Pindaro: le Pitiche. Milan Goldhill, S. Volume III: Books 9— Hansen, P. Berlin and New York Ithaca Instone, S. Volume I: Books 1—4. Kurke, L. Dougherty and L. Kurke eds. Cambridge , — MacLachlan, B. Gerber ed. Leiden , — Osborne, R. Page, D. Dawe and J. Leiden Podlecki, A. Vancouver Powell, B. Race, W. Atlanta Richardson, N. Volume VI: Books 21— Richter, G. Sourvinou-Inwood, C. Stewart, A. Columbia, MO Thummer, E. Heidelberg Verdenius, W.

Wagner, G. West, M. Berlin Woodbury, L. Young, D. Harrell 1. It arises out of the ambiguity that characterizes the margins, real and symbolic, of the Greek world. Before turning to these marvelous examples, however, let us review the less exceptional cases of andreia within the Histories. For Herodotus, andreia is a gendered concept that can be opposed to femininity. Munson , — The most explicit demonstration of the performative aspect of andreia involves Hegesistratus, an Eleian seer who served the Persian Mardonius at Plataea. According to Herodotus, Hegesistratus once had been imprisoned by the Spartans.

Hegesistratus mutilates his own body, and produces a tangible sign of his andreia: the piece of his foot. The most obvious setting for the performance of andreia, then, would be war.

In Book 1 of the Histories, Herodotus recounts the strength and bravery of the Lydian nation before its defeat by the Persians: At this time, there was no other race in Asia more manly or strong than the Lydians. They fought on horseback, carried great spears, and were themselves good at horsemanship. While he does not narrate a particular instance of Lydian andreia, he links this quality to martial prowess.

Later in the same book, Croesus tells Cyrus that the Lydians will no longer be a threat to the Persians once they have been induced to lay down their weapons and take up luxurious pursuits: 4 See Gleason , esp. For Herodotus, an ergon can be either an abstract accomplishment or a concrete object.

The episode of Hegesistratus combines both aspects in a gruesome manner. See Munson , 66—8. Order them instead to put on tunics under their clothes and to wear high boots; enjoin them to play the cithara and the lyre and to teach their children to be shopkeepers. And soon, king, you will see that they have become women instead of men. The renunciation of weapons both contributes to and visibly demonstrates this change. Those who do not attempt warfare against the king reveal their lack of strength analkis Hdt.

Herodotus again associates andreia with strength in war. Furthermore, he emphasizes the gendered aspect of the concept. Nor is andreia the exclusive possession of any one ethnic group, Greek or non-Greek. Herodotus does not articulate 6 On this passage see Steiner , —9. Kurke , ; Munson , —3. Thomas , —17; Thus we must view these stories in the context of this central contest over Greek identity and freedom. But I especially marvel that Artemisia, a woman, waged war against Greece. After her husband died and she herself held the tyranny even though her son was a youth, she waged war with spirit and manly courage, being under no compulsion.

It is a marvel to Herodotus that the female Artemisia displays andreia in the traditional arena of war cf. There is not one simple answer, as I suggested above. Artemisia is more than a warrior who acts with distinction among the troops in battle. She is in fact a leader. She also holds the tyranny of Halicarnassus, a position she took over from her dead husband 7. On one level Artemisia serves the great Persian king Xerxes. But Herodotus presents that service as freely given, rather than the result of compulsion.

A few chapters later, the Spartan Demaratus says to Xerxes that the Greeks will display great courage in battle because they are free men, recognizing only nomos as their master 7. As she points out, a central theme of the Histories is the contrast between Greek freedom and the slavery of the Persian forces to their leader Xerxes. Artemisia is both Greek and non-Greek, and her marginal status is never fully resolved. On the contrary, it is a central feature of her identity. Herodotus names her father, Lygdamis, but does not record the name of her mother.

We must keep in mind that Herodotus himself was from Halicarnassus, and therefore would have had a particular interest in this question. The Halicarnassians were Troezenians, while the rest were Epidaurians. He thus gives the distinct impression that Artemisia is a Dorian 13 See especially Munson , 94—7.

Hall , 35—6 for a discussion of the meaning of the terms ethnos and genos. At least by the time of the Peloponnesian wars, Dorians were considered superior in the manly arena of war. In a woman, these qualities cease to be Hellenic. Often these women are rulers. A few, like Clytaemnestra, might be Greek.

Content Metrics

But such women often belong to, or are associated with, barbarian races. Artemisia thus resembles a barbarian queen, and, as we have seen, she serves the great barbarian king. See J. Hall , —9, Sancisi-Weerdenburg His caution warns us that names alone should not be used to prove the ethnicity of the individuals who possess them. Individual families at Halicarnassus exhibit Greek and non-Greek names in successive generations. Herodotus himself was related to the Halicarnassian poet Panyassis, whose name appears to be Carian. Conversely, 21 Munson , 93 n. Munson , Note that Bean and Cook , 97 in their examination of the Halicarnassian peninsula conclude that the real Artemisia was Greek.

McLeod , 95, Mathews , 6, Hornblower , 10 n. The fourth-century Hekatomnid rulers include the famous Mausolus and his sister and wife, Artemisia, who succeeded him. They were Carians. Ancient sources sometimes confuse the fourth-century satrap with our Artemisia. It is important to remember that the two ruling families were not related.

In his study on Mausolus, Hornblower , 34—51 provides a brief overview of the pre-Hekatomnid and Hekatomnid dynasties in Caria. Rather, the evidence of Halicarnassus and its neighboring towns suggests that in this region Greek and non-Greek peoples mixed and co-existed, each leaving their mark on the other. On the shores of Asia Minor, Halicarnassus physically bordered on barbarian lands. The Lydians and Persians were never far away.

Before becoming part of the Persian Empire, the cities of Caria came under Lydian domination during the rule of Croesus. After the arrival of the Greek colonists, Carians remained within Halicarnassus itself as well as in the region immediately inland. In addition to Artemisia, the other two individuals are a priestess from Pedasa who grows a beard and the eunuch Hermotimus 8.

See Hornblower , 85 and Bean and Cook , As we have seen above, masculine women often are barbarians in the Greek imagination. In places where women are manly, men become womanly. Did she purposely target the Carian Damasithumos or only encounter him by chance? Herodotus leaves this question open cf. Hall , , Sancisi-Weerdenburg , It is customary for soft men to come from soft places, for it is not possible for marvelous fruit and men skilled at warfare to spring from the same ground.

But it is necessary for pleasure to rule there. It is not always clear whether Herodotus is disparaging only Asiatic Greeks for submitting to the slavery of Persian rule, or if his comments have a wider scope. See Backhaus , —2, Jouanna , 11, , —31, Nutton In the Histories and in Airs, Waters, Places, general statements about geographic factors appear to apply to males unless females are singled out explicitly. The fact that this region can deprive its men of andreia implies that it may invert Greek norms further by fostering this quality in its women.

Physically and culturally she inhabits a space between Greek and non-Greek, as well as between Dorian and Ionian. In addition, while being an autonomous political leader, she serves the great Persian king in battle. Backhaus , —85 attributes this apparent contradiction to the fundamentally ethnocentric world-view of the author.

See also Jouanna , 11—14, Tuplin , 64—5, Nutton , Thomas , 86—97 on the question of the ethnocentrism of Airs, Waters, and Places. Demeter and Kore through single-handedly resolving a political stasis 7. For these sorts of deeds I think are not typical of every man, but of one with a good soul and manly strength. But he is said by the inhabitants of Sicily to have been the opposite of those things: a womanly and rather soft man. Loraux argues that a mixture of masculine and feminine lies at the very heart of Greek concepts of heroism.

In order to understand how Herodotus conceives of a womanly man who performs manly actions, it will be helpful to return to the themes that we explored in relation to Artemisia. Telines resembles the man from the east who subverts the norms of Greek masculinity. Not surprisingly, then, Herodotus informs us that an unnamed ancestor of Telines came to Sicily from the Eastern Aegean. This man, who was from the island of Telos, accompanied the initial Rhodian foundation of Gela 7. He locates Telos through its proximity to the Triopian peninsula 7. In addition to being Dorian, Telines and his family now dwell in the western Greek world.

Herodotus recounts that Telines performed his courageous act when a stasis, or factional dispute, had caused part of the population to leave Gela 7. Telines led these men back to Gela, having no force of men, but rather the holy objects of the goddesses. We have seen elsewhere in the Histories andreia linked to a martial context.

Here the threat of warfare replaces an actual battle. On this passage, see Bassi in this volume. He himself is not part of a faction, and he alone restores order to the city. His autonomous act, moreover, ensures an ongoing civic status for his family. Both Artemisia and Telines have contested identities.

Both combine aspects of femininity and masculinity. Both inhabit marginal realms on the edges of the Greek world. Both appear to have Dorian origins and attributes. It is at the intersection of all these elements that andreia can occur.

The therapy of the word in classical antiquity in SearchWorks catalog

Backhaus, W. Bean, G. Compernolle, R. Dewald, C. Foley ed.

Learn To Play The Ancient Greek Kithara of Classical Antiquity! (3 of 7)

New York , 91— Dunbabin, T. Gleason, M. Gould, J. Hall, E. Hall, J. Hartog, F. Berkeley and Los Angeles Hornblower, S. How, W. Wells, A Commentary on Herodotus, 2 vols. Oxford reprint. Immerwahr, H. Jouanna, J. Kesteman, J. Loraux, N. Masson, O. Mathews, V. McLeod, W. Meiggs, R. London rev. Thanks also go to the and to my colleague at Trinity suggestions. Ethnographic and Political Discourse in the Work of Herodotus. Nutton, V. Khan ed. Nottingham , — Pembroke, S. Rosellini, M. Sancisi-Weerdenburg, H.

Cameron and A. Kuhrt eds. London 2nd rev. Steiner, D. Thomas, R. Ethnography, Science and the Art of Persuasion. Tourraix, A. Tuplin, C. Tsetskhladze ed. Leiden , 47— Weil, R. Paris , — White, D. Zeitlin, F. Indeed, the more invisible and mysterious the processes of disease, the more vividly do people seem to invoke the metaphor. We might expect, therefore, that the Hippocratic physician, engaged as he was in his peculiarly relentless battle against disease, would be readily characterized in the treatises as andreios. In fact, however, there seem to be no instances in the Hippocratic corpus where this happens.

De diaeta 1. Even the deontological works, which self-consciously address matters of professional demeanor and business ethics, never actually use the term in the context of how the Hippocratic doctor ought to behave. On the courage of patients in enduring pain and its philosophical associations , see Schrijvers Personal ego and the reputation of the profession itself were often at stake in this controversy, and questions of duty, honor and integrity evidently came into play on both sides.

But one can see the trap that the author is unwittingly setting for himself with every step of his argument, and, ironically, we can anticin every aspect of medical practice to make the sick healthy. But they say , if medicine is in fact an art, then it ought to cure all cases alike.

On Hippocratic prognostication and andreia, see below section 4. In point of fact, there is plenty of evidence outside of this treatise that Hippocratic physicians did treat hopeless cases, and it seems clear that the matter was one of perennial debate. For discussion and references, see Wittern , von Staden , 76 n. This objection seems simple enough, but it has several revealing implications. Thus, the physician who takes such a position is put in a terrible bind, for he is exposed as either an unethical hypocrite or a simple charlatan who conspires with his colleagues to take on only those cases which will make their empty profession look good.

It is, as the passage implies, a cheap victory that turns out upon closer examination to be more cowardly than heroic.

Parasites in the antiquity

Clearly, this is a crowd-pleasing form of andreia, not the kind Galen would recommend for true physicians. As in De arte, the discussion in Laches centers on a discontinuity between popular conceptions of a particular social value and a more philosophized conception of it.

Sprague SV. The connections between this section of Laches and the position of De arte should be strikingly clear. At that point, the argument is dropped and the dialogue draws to a close. See further the discussion below. Indeed, his entire argument defending the Hippocratic refusal to treat incurables privileges the same prognostic skills that Nicias regards as essential for the andreios man. This was no real courage, but lack of experience and insight, much as Socrates holds in Laches.

Rather I would call them rash and mad. See also the similar discussion in Plato Prt. Now to restore every patient to health is impossible. To do so indeed would have been better even than forecasting the future. But as a matter of fact men do die, some owing to the severity of the disease before they summon the physician, others expiring immediately after calling him in—living one day or a little longer—before the physician by his art can combat each disease. For in this way one will justly win respect and be an able physician. For the longer time you plan to meet each emergency the greater your power to save those who have a chance of recovery, while you will be blameless if you learn and declare beforehand those who will die and those who will get better.

Prognostic 1. He aims to be admired for his skills, but he wants this admiration to be won with integrity. We may contrast this remark with the passage in De arte we discussed earlier see above f. In Prognostic, the problem of incurables is likewise at issue, except in a more positive, and slightly more oblique, way.

The 27 On the dating of De arte, see Gomperz , 2nd edn, 1—35 with more recent bibliography in Cordes , , n. For Prognostic, see Alexanderson , 16— Bibliography Alexanderson, B. Gothenburg Cordes, P. Gomperz, T. Touati ed. Jones, W. Cambridge and London Parry, A. Schrijvers, P. Sontag, Susan, Illness as Metaphor. Spira, A. Varwig ed. Heidelberg , — Staden, H. Potter, G. Malloney and J. Desautels eds. Quebec , 76— Walsh, J. Adriaan Rademaker 1. In the second category belong Av. It is certainly no coincidence that in Knights, Cleon is overthrown by a Sausage-seller from the agora.

  • New Title 2;
  • The Biological Foundations of Action.
  • Clinical Experience in Late Antiquity: Alexander of Tralles and the Therapy of Epilepsy.
  • The chicken poultry bible.
  • PEP Web - List of Articles?

Weak could not be less impressed. Whereas Strong single-mindedly emphasizes physical training for tural environment to which the horse-loving Phidippides initially seems to have been attracted, see Nu. See, e. Cohen , 98— argues that the term applies to adultery alone.

On the radish treatment, which seems to have been a traditional means of punishment, cf. As appears from fr. Carter , Once his opponent has been beaten, however, the ambitions of this Sausage-seller, now provided with the name Agoracritus, no longer resemble those of Cleon. Henderson , 20, and Rosen a, 39— MacDowell , 82—3.

Hubbard , 70 rightly points to his lack of ambition at the beginning of the play. Apparently, the fact that it allegedly involves mingling with dirt does not detract from its nobility. Hubbard , n. The comic paradox is that very few men in comedy are able or willing to live up to all these ideals at the same time. The locus 20 Eq. Cleonymus is also characterized as a big glutton Ach. In Th. Sommerstein ad Eq. To this end, he accuses the more vulnerable of the two, Timarchus, of prostituting himself and squandering his patrimony.

From other sources, it is clear that it is the act of undergoing sexual submission itself, not just taking money for it, that is regarded as hubristic. For the sexual and social issues involved, see Dover , 23—31, Halperin , 88—, Winkler , 45—70, Cohen , — Cohen , — Aeschines 1. Brock, R. Carter, L. Dover, K. Eden, P. Fisher, Raymond K. Amsterdam Halperin, David M. Harris, Edward M. New York and Oxford Hubbard, Thomas K. Ithaca and London Erster Band, 4th edn. Wilson P. Halliwell S. Kaimio M. Kivy P. Konstan D. Kramarz A. Meyer L. Emotion and Meaning in Music Chicago. Nussbaum M. Brunschwig J.

Patel A. Pelosi F. Rocconi E. Le parole delle Muse: la formazione del lessico tecnico musicale nella Grecia antica Rome. Huffman C. Wigram T. Pedersen I. Bonde L. See e.